Advanced Example of Aiaa Technical Conference Essay Example

Advanced Example of Aiaa Technical Conference Essay Example Advanced Example of Aiaa Technical Conference Essay Advanced Example of Aiaa Technical Conference Essay Advanced Example of AIAA Technical Conference Paper First A. Author? and Second B. Author? Business or Academic A? liation, City, Province, Zipcode, Country Third C. Author†  Business or Academic A? liation, City, Province, Zipcode, Country A This is the advanced example employing L TEX to produce an AIAA technical conference paper. Please read the Known Problems in the Users Manual before attempting to use this example as a template. Fundamental topics are covered in the bare-bones template. A For detailed AIAA layout and style guidelines, please refer to the AIAA L TEX Package Users Manual, aiaa. df. I. Introduction an example of a dropped capital at the beginning of a paragraph using the package. This ispackage is usually to retrievewithlettermorefrom the Comprehensive T X Archivelettrine(CTAN), This included the comprehensive TEX distributions, but those with more trim installations may need this package Network E which is located at www. ctan. org. This package does not gra cefully handle the AIAA class’ submit option. 2And this is an example of a dropped capital letter at the beginning of a paragraph using the dropping package. This package is a bit less re? ed than the lettrine package, but some authors may already have A it around if they used the old (uno? cial) L TEX AIAA distribution. This package accommodates the AIAA class’ submit option. In an e? ort to more tightly integrate text and image, the wrapfig package is employed. This package works by modifying paragraph shape to accommodate a ? gure (or a table or other items). Typically one inserts its wrapfigure or wraptable environment just before the paragraph in which it is to be placed. Also speci? ed is the width of the item to be inserted and the placement, for example, left or right side. This package does not provide for center placement. ) The rest of this paragraph is ? ller so that the wrapfigure example will be placed in this paragraph. Documentation of the wrapfigure pa ckage is available at the end of the style A ?le itself (check the package loading lines shown during L TEX processing to ? nd its location). Code listings and other such artifacts can be typeset in a large variety Figure 1. Magnetization as a function of applied ? eld. of styles by using the fancyvrb package. 1 2 3 4 5 6 def testCircularAdvection position. ach_index do |i| @position = position[i] assert_equal speed[i], waveSpeed end end Tables with footnotes, such as table 1 on page 4, can be coded using the threeparttable package. Note: This table was purposely placed on another page through the use of the ? Job †  Job Title, Department, Address, and AIAA Member Grade. Title, Department, Address, and AIAA Member Grade. 1 of 4 American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics [p] placement speci? er to demonstrate the automated page reference mechanism provided by the varioref package. Of course, one would normally have the table integrated into the text that describes it. Equation (1) is serving as a demonstration of the nomenclature package. Ji  · ? xi+1 = ? f i (1) The same can be said for Eq. (2) that uses ? to add another Greek letter to the mix. F = m? (2) The nomencl package is fed entries with the omenclature command. These entries are then collected and sorted using makeindex. The optional sorting argument to the omenclature command uses a key of ‘b’ for subscripts, ‘g’ for Greek symbols, ‘c’ for conventions, and ‘t’ for superscripts. When many ? ures share a similar style and beg to be compared to one another, the subfigmat and subfigure packages can be used to create a matrix of sub? gures as shown by ? gure 2 on the next page. These are called â€Å"small multiples† by Tufte.? II. Conclusion A This had been a brief example of some of the more advanced options available for L TEX. Please see the documentation for each package for extended discussion or usage. References 1 Tufte, E. R. , The Visual Display of Quantitative Information , Graphics Press, 1983. 2 of 4 American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics (a) 2 AM. 3 of 4 American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics Table 1. This is an example of a threeparttable which uses the dcolumn package to allow for columns to be aligned on decimal points. First head* Second hea d center doctor tab dentist worse man†  better home Third head 0. 2 0. 15 10. 58 43. 9 VM (r) 10. 55 33. 12 45. 10 12. 34 * This is a table footnote, which to span multiple lines, has been greatly extended in length contrary to reason. †  A much shorter table footnote. 4 of 4 American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics

Essay about Twelfth Night Character List

Essay about Twelfth Night Character List Essay about Twelfth Night Character List Viola - A young woman of aristocratic birth, and the play’s protagonist. Washed up on the shore of Illyria when her ship is wrecked in a storm, Viola decides to make her own way in the world. She disguises herself as a young man, calling herself "Cesario," and becomes a page to Duke Orsino. She ends up falling in love with Orsino- even as Olivia, the woman Orsino is courting, falls in love with Cesario. Orsino - A powerful nobleman in the country of Illyria. Orsino is lovesick for the beautiful Lady Olivia, but becomes more and more fond of his handsome new page boy, Cesario, who is actually a woman Viola. Orsino is a vehicle through which the play explores the absurdity of love: a supreme egotist, Orsino mopes around complaining how heartsick he is over Olivia, when it is clear that he is in love with the idea of being in love and enjoys making a spectacle of himself. Olivia - A wealthy, beautiful, and noble Illyrian lady, Olivia is courted by Orsino and Sir Andrew Aguecheek, but to each of them she insists that she is in mourning for her brother, who has recently died, and will not marry for seven years. She and Orsino are similar characters in that each seems to enjoy wallowing in his or her owns misery Sir Toby - Olivia’s uncle. Olivia lets Sir Toby Belch live with her, but she does not approve of his rowdy behavior, practical jokes, heavy drinking, late-night carousing, or friends (specifically the idiotic Sir Andrew). Maria - Olivia’s clever, daring young waiting-gentlewoman. Maria is remarkably similar to her antagonist, Malvolio, who harbors aspirations of rising in the world through marriage. But Maria succeeds where Malvolio fails Andrew - A friend of Sir Toby’s. Sir Andrew Aguecheek attempts to court Olivia, but he doesn’t stand a chance. He thinks that he is witty, brave, young, and good at languages and dancing, but he is actually an idiot. Feste - The

Biological weapons Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Biological weapons - Research Paper Example Because of the level of destruction that these weapons are capable of causing, the use of these can be a motivation for many adversaries. Also, these weapons are indiscriminately used to kill people. So they might not just affect the military, but may also cause numerous deaths in the civilian populations. Further, a wound due to other weapons can be treated. A biological weapon might be hard to detect and once detected, might not have a cure. Biological weapons also tend to have long term effects on the human and living populations as compared to nuclear missiles and arms. (Satpathy 10) History Although biological weapons have now come into notice, they have been used for centuries. The use of these weapons dates back to 1500 BC when the people suffering from a plague were often driven into the territories of the enemy. The plague would not just kill or sicken the enemy civil populations but would also render the military unsuitable for war. Apart from that, the spears and arrows we re often poisoned so that the enemy could not just be wounded, but would also have poison spread in his body. In the famous First Sacred War, the Athenians poisoned the water supply of the city of Kirrha in order to kill the military combatants. In other wars, clay pots containing snakes were often thrown on the enemy. (Chauhan 158) Slowly over the centuries, biological weapons took new forms. Before the 17th century, the most common way of inflicting disease on the enemy was to throw the infected corpses into the water supply of the cities. Since water is a basic necessity, this ensured that all the people were infected. Later, however, new ways of introducing the diseases were established. For instance in the 18th century, in Native America, two blankets and a handkerchief exposed to small pox were given to the Natives by the British in order to disease them. Diseases like influenza spread often due to the exchange of goods at ports from ships that came from different regions. Bio logical warfare went to a new extreme when in the Second Sino Japanese war, the Japanese tested all kinds of biological weapons on the prisoners held in custody so that the weapons could then be used to combat the enemy in the future. In the First World War, the most famous and extensive Biowarfare program was started by the empire of Germany. This program included the supply of teams of saboteurs to areas like Finland where they placed anthrax (a disease causing agent) in the stables of Russia in the year 1916. (Chauhan 159) German intelligence officers also created glanders that could be used to affect livestock and crops, particularly at ports. The Imperial Japanese army also was responsible for many pathogen outbreaks in the same period. From the year 1937 to 1945, the Japanese army contaminated the Horustein river in Soviet Russia with typhoid. The army also used made use of bombs having fleas that could carry the bubonic plague. Air dropping of plagued fleas was also a common thing against the Chinese. After the use of the biological weapons in the first and second world wars, nations like the US, Soviet Union and Britain started the experimentation of agents that could be used as biological weapons. The US started its US Biological Weapon testing program through which it started research on the topic. Operation whitecoat was one of the leading operations of the US that aimed to study the effects of

How Has Professional Learning Changed and Why Essay

How Has Professional Learning Changed and Why - Essay Example It is very important to change the professional learning pattern with the passage of time to compete in the challenging world. In other words, learning is no more just a word; it is associated with real life experiences, case studies and practical exposure which improve the process of learning. Professional learning has transcended beyond the traditional learning processes of merely classroom learning and in recent times the aspect professional community has taken a centre stage. Professional learning community provides an opportunity to augment staff development related approach (SEDL, 2012). The objective of this paper is to explore professional development for New Times and to put light on the area of professional learning, its changing patterns and the reasons for its changing pattern. There are various issues, contradictions and dilemmas which would be considered while attaining the objective of the essay. The Issues In HERDSA International Conference, there will be many issues discussed regarding the learning process. The conference will be held mainly to focus on creating and maintaining peer connections, for establishing community links, enriching the interdisciplinary connections, linking the students for success and connecting them with research. The main subject matter of HERDSA International Conference is connections in Higher Education, which is one of the important fundamentals for professional learning. In has been observed that higher education has altered significantly in recent times with relevant changes in policies, leadership, research approach and student outcomes that are followed to make the education process more pertinent to Vocational Education and Training (VET) sector. Certain steps that are followed in altered process of higher education include sustaining as well as creating peer connections, emphasizing on community based connections in learning and focusing on interdisciplinary connections among others. Therefore, in order to as sess the significance of these issues further in professional learning the conference is conducted specially for leaders, researchers, students, policy makers and teachers who are associated in higher education sector (Conference Design Pty Ltd, 2012). Professional learning process engages the professional development for the enhancement of skills and knowledge. The ‘Australian Flexible Learning Framework’ has made a commitment towards for maintaining and developing vocational education along with training for the professionals. The endeavor behind this is to keep on side by side with changing technological approach in the field of professional learning. The framework has been prepared keeping in consideration the ongoing and upcoming developments in the resources, research along with ideas. World has changed dramatically in terms of innovation and process. The computer and internet have become key components of present day world and people have to develop themselves in order to compete in this world. E-learning has become a part of professional learning. Therefore, it would not be wrong to suggest that learning has changed from a traditional concept to a modern concept (Commonwealth of Australia, 2005). TAFE Development Centre (TDC) is one of the leading vocational educational and training workforce development initiatives. The main area of service includes both public and private sector. TDC mainly customizes learning course and it also

Individual Report - Fast Food Case Context Essay - 1

Individual Report - Fast Food Case Context - Essay Example 2. The Economic Environment The Chinese Foodservices industry is currently valued at $366.9 billion USD and is expected to grow to nearly $500 billion USD by 2015 (New Zealand Trade & Enterprise 2012). Full service restaurants maintain approximately 75 percent market share in China, whilst fast food concepts maintain 25 percent market share in this industry. A recent study further revealed that approximately 50 percent of all Chinese consumers prefer eating in restaurant environments over that of home-cooked products, representing a potential market of a half billion consumers geographically dispersed throughout the country (Ganster 2006). This preference for external restaurant dining is fuelled by rising consumer incomes which have increased by nine percent in urban regions and 12 percent in rural areas (Censky 2012). There are ample market opportunities in China based largely on social trends of restaurant consumption that are favourable for launching a new fast food brand with su fficient incomes to consume under a moderately-priced business model. By 2020, it is estimated that total, national seafood consumption volumes in China will be at 35.9 kg/capita, fuelled by a strong consumer demand for seafood (Redfern Associates 2010). Market expansion into China will further require access to appropriate capital and credit to ensure adequate asset procurement and structuring of operations. In 2012, the country’s fiscal leadership injected nearly 58 billion USD into the economic system to stabilise currency exchange rates and fuel new corporate borrowing in the financial sector (Safe Trading 2013). This has opened avenues for support in foreign direct investment and improved the dynamics by which financial lenders evaluate loan generation to fuel economic growth through business development. However, there is a risk as it relates to the economic environment in China. As a product of the recession begun in 2008 that impacted international economies, Chinaâ⠂¬â„¢s efforts to stabilise the exchange rate led to rapid inflation in the food sector that has raised pricing along the foods supply chain (Ho 2011). Though inflationary costs provide opportunities to increase revenues by nearly 17 percent in the foods industry by superimposing higher pricing models to offset procurement costs, rising costs in a very complicated foods supply chain pose risks in a country where consumers are notoriously price-sensitive (Vangpeng 2012). Price-sensitive buyers represent the ability of consumer target groups to impose pricing transparency and leverage pricing demands. 3. Political Considerations Fortunately for the fish and chips brand, progressive changes to a more capitalistic model of government are providing new support for both domestic and foreign business development. Influence of the World Trade Organization has opened new distribution channels with much less stringent regulations and imposition of import/export tariffs that promote better int ernational trade (Areddy 2009). For the business desiring to establish a supply chain network utilising foreign seafood product farmers and distributors, rather than domestic suppliers, the government provides ample support in legislation to remove economic barriers that can complicate cost control. At the same time, the domestic supply chain for aquatic foods products is complicated and widely dispersed, but

Nursing Home Reflection of Behaviours

Nursing Home Reflection of Behaviours Latoya Mckie Abstract There are numerous of behaviors to observer in a nursing home. Many of the behaviors are related to mental impairment, loss of memory or aliments such as dementia, delirium, Alzheimer’s disease and Parkinson’s diseases. A lot of residents have been diagnosed with aliments; these various mental impairment conditions are concurrent conditions which may overlap. In many cases the impairment gets misdiagnosed outside a nursing home care facility because normally people do not know the symptoms or trained to differentiate the diseases or conditions. Therefore, it is essential that the caregivers and all other professionals are knowledgeable and fully aware of the residents’ cognitive levels to effectively assist them with their daily living. Many seniors and family prefer to go to nursing home facilities due to personalized care seniors receive. It is also difficult for some seniors that are not in nursing home or retirement facilities or neighborhood that are not tai lored to their needs. Behaviors exhibited by the residents I witnessed an array of behaviors at the nursing home, intern site. Most of the residents were energetic and full of life, despite their age. In the department that I mostly worked with consisted of people with memory loss. The group mostly was consisted of women, and had only two men. The women were all on different cognitive levels, but they all were well educated and lived successful lives in their younger age. One of the residents use to be a school teacher, how seemed to lose her memory and it seemed to be very difficult for her to recall any activities she did earlier that day. She and I would do puzzles or art activity. On one occasion I asked her to sign the back of a sheet we were working on. An hour after she left went to her room and came back and could not recognize the picture as the one we both completed earlier although I showed her the back and explained to her that I assisted her to complete it that day. What I realized with her and other residents in that group is that although they had memory loss they were still very intelligent and able to complete mathematical computation when tested. It was also remarkable that most of the residents I worked with can recall early memories from their lives although they had a hard time recollecting what they did earlier that day. There was also one lady who loved to listen to old music from the 60’s and classical music all day; she also walked around with a toy doll most of the day. This lady also never spoke much and not social with the other residents, she liked keeping to herself. The men on both sides of the facility did not come out much except for when they went to the dining area to eat, go to church services, exercise class or outings on the town. The residents were primarily engaged in fun activities and socials. They enjoyed having other people to talk to and having family member visiting them. A number of them were particularly concerned with their health and exercise most mornings, as a result the seemed more energized and happier than the residents who stayed in their rooms all day. I exhibited only two residents who seemed lonely. One of the two was always saying nobody cares about her and she is always walking around all day. At times the other residents look at her and regard her as a c razy person. The other lady who seems to be a loner has had her husband passed away recently, she seems to be sad at times, but she keeps herself occupied with engaging in activities and helping other residents who are on a lower cognitive and physical level than her. Another female resident in the dining room that is always shaking; I believe she has Parkinson disease her behavior varies a lot with the day. She can start arguing for any reason, then nice the next minute. Nobody normally sits at her table at the dining area when it is time to eat. One day someone came in late and sat there and she started to curse the other lady out and the whole time she was shaking the table. Her hand shacking is so bad that most of the time she has to ask one of the dietary aides to assist her in pouring out condiments because she often makes a mess because she cannot control her hands from shaking due to her having Parkinson disease. Explanation for the residents’ behaviors Most of the residents in nursing home suffer from memory loss diseases such as dementia, Alzheimer’s disease and delirium. They also experience other ailments such as Parkinson’s disease. A significant proportion of this elderly population will have dementia (Hartwell, 2013). One in five people over the age of 65 has dementia. The number is expected to double every 20 years (Hartwell, 2013; Potocnik, 2013). Dementia. Dementia is incurred mass impairment of a person’s memory, personality and intelligence who is normally attentive (Potocnik, 2013). It is adequately acute to interfere with social and occupational functioning. In the lack of a stroke or quickly growing cerebral tumors among other factors, the onset is normally progressive and the cognitive decay is always gradual (Potocnik, 2013). In the absence of a remedy for the disease, non-pharmacological concoctions and the careful use of pharmacotherapy may not solely aid the person and ease the stress on the caregiver (Potocnik, 2013). Residents with dementia almost always show neuropsychiatric symptoms (NPS), such as disturbances in mood with psychotic and vegetative symptoms among other spectacles. Dementia affects a large portion of the senior population. Dementia of the Alzheimer’s type is characterized by memory impairment, the inability to learn anything new or recall information which was previously acquired, and one or more cognitive disturbances such as aphasia, apraxia, agnosia or executive function disturbances (Potocnik, 2013). The resident who could not recall the artwork she and I worked on earlier in the day suffers from dementia of the Alzheimer’s type. Alzheimers and dementia is presents in 90% of seniors who expressed their feelings of being lonely or socially isolated (Wilson et al., 2001). The resident who was always walking around saying nobody cares about her suffers from dementia. The characteristic she exhibits was loneliness and isolation from the other residents. This explains why she might have developed dementia. People with early Alzheimer’s disease can benefit from exercise. The hippocampus of the brain plays a vital role in memory (Birmingham, 2008). Brain scan research shows that seniors who are physically active have less brain shrinkage; while those who are less active have up to four times brain shrinkage (Birmingham, 2008). Therefore, exercise is important to counteract Alzheimers disease in the residents. The senior residents behavior to exercise is accepting. They like to engage in physical activities because they know it improves the way they feel, their physical health as well as their mental health. Parkinsons disease. The female resident who is always shaking the dining table and screaming at other resident for no reason has Parkinsons disease. Parkinsons disease is a gradual and degenerative neurological disease, one of a group of conditions called motor system disorders (Carruthers-Czyzewski Dewar, 1998). The four primary symptoms are shaking or trembling in hands, arms, legs, jaw and face; firmness or rigidity of the limbs and trunk; bradykinesia or slowness of motion; and postural instability or impaired balance and co-ordination. As these symptoms become more prominent, patients have complexity walking, moving or accomplishing other regular activities. They may additionally experience migraines, joint pain, periodic respiratory problems, back ache, allergy symptoms, insomnia, mood swings, fatigue, distortion and chronic ailment such as digestive difficulties and arthritis. Modified diet is helpful to seniors with Parkinson disease. Their diet typical includes chlorella, milk thistle, kyolic garlic, and vitamin C (Carruthers-Czyzewski Dewar, 1998). I suspect that is they reason why the lady in the dining hall never misses meal time and she take her nutrition very seriously. Someone with Parkinson disease can also benefit from detoxification as her behavior is normally characterized as confused, fatigue and having mood swings (Carruthers-Czyzewski Dewar, 1998). Delirium. Delirium is a medical crisis characterized by severe onset and impulsive course that is displayed by incisive changes in a person’s cognitive level and function (Gillis MacDonald, 2006). Symptoms includes allayed attentiveness of surroundings with diminished capability to focus or sustain attentiveness; changes in cognition; collapse of higher order functions; psychomotor changes varying from hyperactivity to hypoactivity; emotional turbulences; sleep/wake duration disturbances; nocturnal spasm; hysterical affect, mood and behavior; perceptual disruptions comprised of delusions and fallacies; paranoia; and multilayered etiology (Gillis MacDonald, 2006). The lady who is always walking around at all hours has exhibits the characters of delirium. Although she is diagnosed as having dementia, people with similar behaviors can have delirium as well. Therefore, delirium is often misdiagnosed. Approximately 70 percent of elderly patients hospitalized have delirium althoug h expert nursing care facilities typically are able to identify the symptoms (Gillis MacDonald, 2006). There are three classifications of delirium which are: hyperactive, hypoactive, and mixed. Hyperactive, also referred to as agitated delirium, is described as being anxious and delusion. Hypoactive delirium (quiet) is regarded as a declined sensorium or amplified sedation. The mixed delirium interchanges between the frantic and the sedated type. Nevertheless, no matter how it is exhibited, delirium may be difficult to distinguish, as it can be multifactorial and easily mixed up with dementia, restfulness, and near-death awareness. In many circumstances, delirium is reversible, thus careful assessment is necessary (Rogers, 2006). Judicious nursing observation of a resident’s capabilities to execute activities of daily living can reveal much about the resident’s mental level. A variety of assessment tools are available. A common tool is the Confusion Assessment Method (CAM) (Inouye et al., 1990), which takes about five minutes to conduct, it is steadily reliable and is ap propriate in a number of settings, including acute care (Rogers, 2006). . Aging Typical alters the bodys ability to metabolize medications, tally to the threat for drug reactions. Although any medication may add to delirium in seniors, sedatives, antipsychotics, histamine receptor antagonists and anticholinergics raise the risk for delirium (Hanley, 2004) (Rogers, 2006). Furthermore, seniors have body fat percentage is higher and lower water which effects the fat-soluble drugs by being more concentrated and lasting longer (Rogers, 2006). Environmental adjustments should encourage optimal cognitive functioning, a realism between calmness and activity and consistent nursing care. A numerous of environmental modifications decrease the risk of delirium incidences and facilitate resident independence such as: maintaining the physical surroundings constant and sustain routines, allowing conformity of staffing for accurate assessment of the residents health status and continuous patient care, including family in care and having orientation done often to promote a good perception of well-being. Visits should be declined if hyperactive delirium appears to be onset by the visits, use volunteer sitters if family members are not available. Avoid bedroom changes whenever possible, Use a no-restraint or least-restraint procedure to reduce deterioration of cognitive loss. Remove unnecessary hospital devices, such as urinary catheters and IV pumps. Make sure that the call bell, personal items, glasses and hearing aids in easy reach. Encourage the use of personal items, such as pillows and bed set, to promote familiarity and reduce stress. In addition Have the rooms well-lit, sustain room temperature between 21.1 C and 23.8 C. and diminish noise levels on the nursing unit. Why people go to nursing home Seniors with mental ailment frequently have complicated needs because of the many co-complex needs because of disability, physical illness and social issues (Reynolds et al., 2000). Effective evaluation of long-term and multiple issues may be long-term and multiple problems may be particularly complex without standardized approaches intended at inclusive and methodical assessment of needs. However, certain needs are proposed to be `collective to all humans in general (Maslow, 1954), diverse areas of the population will have more specific kinds of need (Reynolds et al., 2000). Isolation is a difficult problem; the solutions need to be individualized (Owen, 2007). Even seniors who have a widespread social network of friends and family are at jeopardy of being isolated. Anything can easily happen; a senior can slip or fall, loss of their hearing or sight (Owen, 2007). They can also lose a loved one which can completely diminish their self-assurance in and cause conflicts in doing their daily activities. Over a period, social isolation and loneliness can bring on depression and withdrawal. This can also cause an intense drop of self-esteem and confidence (Owen, 2007). Active effort is needed to support seniors to discover the solutions to their social isolation and rejoined with their friends and family socially. Many senior engage in going to day centers, lunch clubs and home visiting services as they provide them with vital way to interact with other people (Owen, 2007). Caregivers and family often resort to nursing home facilities because of the time, cost and stress dealing with an elderly whose memory has deteriorated. Some seniors might feel neglected by their families. Some may exhibit low self-worth as a result of being alienated by their family. Caregivers and family often resort to nursing home facilities because of the time, cost and stress dealing with an elderly whose memory has deteriorated. Some seniors might feel neglected by their families. Some may exhibit low self-worth as a result of being alienated by their family. Some seniors also live in the assisted living section of the nursing home because they want to feel secure as the age that someone is there to help them if they need assistance with anything whether it is health needs or social ones. Living in regular communities tends to make life complex as local services for the seniors might not be available. Most nursing home facility offers numerous benefits such as companionship, availability of services tailored to the seniors, access to around the clock heath care and numerous activities. Benefits of Internship and Supervision Completing the internship course provided a guideline on what I should expect and what should expect to gain from my experience from the intern site. The supervision I received from the intern supervisor and workers were great. They were very detailed in what I needed to get done and how to carry out the task most of the time. Other tasks were self-explanatory. Recommendations for future interns and professionals in the setting I believe education is always good. I think it is especially important when it is to benefit others. Therefore, it is imperative for healthcare professionals and other workers in the nursing home facility to be educated and current on all the new advancement that can benefit the elderly such as therapeutic techniques, and other health related advancements. It is also good to know all safety procedures when in a nursing facility like wearing protective gloves, how to properly disguard hazardous objects, and wearing proper shoes for your safety. The only drawbacks as an intern was not being able to do as much activities as I would have hoped, but that was fine. I assumed senior residents liked to do things they are accustomed better than trying new activities. Although it is not my choice, I would incorporate some new activities for the senior residents who are more active. It seems that all the people who work with the residents are fully aware of their conditions and know how to deal with them. Therefore, I assume they are educated on their mental disorders and cognitive level. Personal Growth Experienced The internship has opened my eyes to all that goes on in a nursing home. Before going in to complete my internship, I thought that the operation of running a nursing home was easy. After having arrived, and starting to get in the routine I found out it was not so easy after all. There are numerous residents to care for with different kinds of needs. It is also challenging to get everyone where the need to be and having a variety of activities to cater to each individuals preferences. That is also the case with almost everything with these residents from their dietary needs to their religious services. Everything has to be done in a multiple or diverse way to ensure everyone is catered to, and their needs are meet. I thought overall I had an enriched experience at the nursing home site. What I have gained from this internship is to be patient, how to multitask and use my time wisely. I also have learned to take initiative and to be a team player, helping out in whatever way I can in order to make things run smoother at the worksite. With the exposure I received I think I am now capable and comfortable working at a health care facility or similar setting. References Birmingham, K. (2008 ). Exercise slows Alzheimers progression. Nursing Older People,  20(7), 4. Retrieved from http://go.galegroup.com Carruthers-Czyzewski, P., Dewar, J. (1998). Seniors health: Parkinsons  disease.CPJ.Canadian Pharmaceutical Journal,131(3), 34.  Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com Gillis, A. J., MacDonald, B. (2006). Unmasking delirium. The Canadian Nurse,  102(9), 19-24. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com Hartwell, H. (2013). Dementia.Perspectives in Public Health,133(3), 134.  doi:10.1177/1757913913485334 Owen, T. (2007). Working with socially isolated older people.British Journal Of  Community Nursing,12(3), 115-116. doi:10.12968/bjcn.2007.12.3.23038 Potocnik, F. C. V. (2013). Dementia. South African Journal of Psychiatry, 19(3), 141.  Retrieved from http://go.galegroup.com. Reynolds, T.,Thornicroft, G., Abas, M.,Woods, B., Hoe, W., Leese,M., Orrell, M. (2000).  Camberwell Assessment of Need for the Elderly (CANE): Development, validity and reliability BJPsych 176, 444-452. doi:10.1192/bjp.176.5.444 Rogers, S. K. (2006). Delirium in the Home Care Setting. Home Healthcare Nurse: The Journal  for the Home Care and Hospice Professional, 24(6), 366–367.  doi:10.1097/00004045-200606000-00006 Wilson, R. S., Krueger, K. R., Arnold, S. E., Schneider, J. A., Kelly, J. F., Barnes, L. L.,   Bennett, D. A. (2007). Loneliness and Risk of Alzheimer Disease. Archives of General Psychiatry, 64(2), 234. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.64.2.234

Lasers :: essays research papers

The laser is one of the most advanced tools we have in our civilization. Lasers are powerful enough to cut through a thick piece of steel, yet can be used in medical surgery. Lasers are used in the army, for guns, for range finding and a whole lot more. Most people don't know where the idea of the laser came from. The idea for the laser came from a machine called a maser. The maser was a tool that was able to strengthen, or amplify radio and light waves. The first laser was made in California in 1960. It was built by Theodore Maiman along with a group of American scientists. The material they used for a concentrator was a man- made ruby. This was done by, coiling a simple flash tube around a rod, and beaming powerful flashes of light at it. The result was pulses of red laser light. Once they made the device they had to name it. They had think of some word or words to described it. They came up with Light Amplification by Stimulated Emission of Radiation. Using the first letter of each main word they named it laser. The laser had everyone excited. The laser was put through many tests and experiments to see what it could do to help modern civilization. At first there weren't many uses for the laser. Then in the 1970's it became very important. It was finally being used in everyday life. As years went on the uses grew in number. Today lasers were being used in a variety of ways. This includes entertainment, military, communication, businesses, measurement, cutting, and more. Measurement: Lasers have become an important part of measurement. A laser is the fastest way to measure long distances. This use can be applied in construction work and astronomy. Cutting: A laser is also great for cutting objects. It can get to those hard to reach places by the use of mirrors to bend the beam of light. It also is strong enough to cut through solid steel. A laser never damages the surface of the object because it never touches it. Lasers have been used in both large and small surgical procedures. It is used by jewelers to cut diamonds, gold, silver, platinum, etc....It is also used in corporations in which cutting metal or fine cutting is involved. Communication: The way the laser is used in the field of communication is through fiber optics.

Employment and Unemployment in the 1930s

The Great Depression is to economics what the Big Bang is to physics. As an event, the Depression is largely synonymous with the birth of modern macroeconomics, and it continues to haunt successive generations of economists. With respect to labor and labor markets, these facts evidently include wage rigidity, persistently high unemployment rates, and long-term joblessness. Traditionally, aggregate time series have provided the econometric grist for distinguishing explanations of the Great Depression.Recent research on labor markets in the 1930s, however, has shifted attention from aggregate to disaggregate time series and towards microeconomic evidence. This shift in focus is motivated by two factors. First, disaggregated data provide many more degrees of freedom than the decade or so of annual observations associated with the depression, and thus may prove helpful in distinguishing macroeconomic explanations. Second, disaggregation has revealed aspects of economic behavior hidden in the time series but which may be essential to their proper interpretation and, in any case, are worthy of study in their own right.Although the substantive findings of recent research are too new to judge their permanent significance, I believe that the shift towards disaggregated analysis is an important contribution. The paper begins by reviewing the conventional statistics of the United States labor market during the Great Depression and the paradigms to explain them. It then turns to recent studies of employment and unemployment using disaggregated data of various types. The paper concludes with discussions of research on other aspects of labor markets in the 1930s and on a promising source of microdata for future work.My analysis is confined to research on the United States; those interested in an international perspective on labor markets might begin with Eichengreen and Hatton's chapter in their edited volume, Interwar Unemployment in International Perspective, and the vario us country studies in that volume. I begin by reviewing two standard series of unemployment rates, Stanley Lebergott's and Michael Darby's, and an index of real hourly earnings in manufacturing compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).The difference between Lebergott's and Darby's series, which is examined later in the paper, concerns the treatment of persons with so-called â€Å"work relief† jobs. For Lebergott, persons on work relief are unemployed, while Darby counts them as employed. Between 1929 and 1933 the unemployment rate increased by over 20 percentage points, according to the Lebergott series, or by 17 percentage points, according to Darby's series. For the remainder of the decade, the unemployment rate stayed in, or hovered around, double digits. On the eve of America's entry into World War Two, between 9. and 14. 6 percent of the labor force was out of work, depending on how unemployment is measured. In addition to high levels of unemployment, the 1930s w itnessed the emergence of widespread and persistent long-term unemployment (unemployment durations longer than one year) as a serious policy problem. According to a Massachusetts state census taken in 1934, fully 63 percent of unemployed persons had been unemployed for a year or more. Similar amounts of long-term unemployment were observed in Philadelphia in 1936 and 1937.Given these patterns of unemployment, the behavior of real wages has proven most puzzling. Between 1929 and 1940 annual changes in real wages and unemployment were positively correlated. Real wages rose by 16 percent between 1929 and 1932, while the unemployment rate ballooned from 3 to 23 percent. Real wages remained high throughout the rest of the decade, although unemployment never dipped below 9 percent, no matter how it is measured. From this information, the central questions appear to be: Why did unemployment remain persistently high throughout the decade?How can unemployment rates in excess of 10 to 20 perc ent be reconciled with the behavior of real wages, which were stable or increasing? One way of answering these questions is to devise aggregative models consistent with the time series, and I briefly review these attempts later in the paper. Before doing so, however, it is important to stress that the aggregate statistics are far from perfect. No government agency in the 1930s routinely collected labor force information analogous to that provided by today's Current Population Survey.The unemployment rates just discussed are constructs, the differences between intercensal estimates of labor force participation rates and employment-to-population ratios. Because unemployment is measured as a residual, relatively small changes in the labor force or employment counts can markedly affect the estimated unemployment rate. The dispute between Darby and his critics over the labor force classification of persons on work relief is a manifestation of this problem. Although some progress has been made on measurement issues, there is little doubt that further refinements to the aggregate unemployment eries would be beneficial. Stanley Lebergott has critically examined the reliability of BLS wage series from the 1930s. The BLS series drew upon a fixed group of manufacturing establishments reporting for at least two successive months. Lebergott notes several biases arising from this sampling method. Workers who were laid off, he claims, were less productive and had lower wages than average. Firms that went out of business were smaller, on average, than firms that survived, and tended to have lower average wages.In addition, the BLS oversampled large firms, and Lebergott suspects that large firms were more adept at selectively laying off lower- productivity labor; more willing to deskill, that is, reassign able employees to less-skilled jobs; and more likely to give able employees longer work periods. A rough calculation suggests that accounting for these biases would produce a n aggregate decline in nominal wages between 1929 and 1932 as much as 48 percent larger than that measured by the BLS series.Although the details of Lebergott's calculation are open to scrutiny, the research discussed elsewhere in the paper suggests that he is correct about the existence of biases in the BLS wage series. For much of the period since World War Two, most economists blamed persistent unemployment on wage rigidity. The demand for labor was a downward sloping function of the real wage but since nominal wages were insufficiently flexible downward, the labor market in the 1930s was persistently in disequilibrium.Labor supply exceeded labor demand, with mass unemployment the unfortunate consequence. Had wages been more flexible, this viewpoint holds, employment would have been restored and Depression averted. The frontal attack on the conventional wisdom was Robert E. Lucas and Leonard Rapping. The original Lucas-Rapping set-up continued to view current labor demand as a ne gative function of the current real wage. Current labor supply was a positive function of the real wage and the expected real interest rate, but a negative function of the expected future wage.If workers expect higher real wages in the future or a lower real interest rate, current labor supply would be depressed, employment would fall, unemployment rise, and real wages increase. Lucas and Rapping offer an unemployment equation, relating the unemployment rate to actual versus anticipated nominal wages, and actual versus anticipated price levels. Al Rees argued that the Lucas-Rapping model was unable to account for the persistence of high unemployment coincident with stable or rising real wages. Lucas and Rapping conceded defeat for the period 1933 to 1941, but claimed victory for 1929 to 1933.As Ben Bernanke pointed out, however, their victory rests largely on the belief that expected real interest rates fell between 1929 and 1933, while â€Å"ex post, real interest rates in 1930-33 were the highest of the century†. Because nominal interest rates fell sharply between 1929 and 1933, whether expected real rates fell hinges on whether deflation — which turned out to be considerable — was unanticipated. Recent research by Steven Cecchetti suggests that the deflation was, at least in part, anticipated, which appears to undercut Lucas and Rapping's reply.In a controversial paper aimed at rehabilitating the Lucas-Rapping model, Michael Darby redefined the unemployment rate to exclude persons who held work relief jobs with the Works Progress and Work Projects Administrations (the WPA) or other federal and state agencies. The convention of the era, followed by Lebergott, was to count persons on work relief as unemployed. According to Darby, however, persons with work relief jobs were â€Å"employed† by the government: â€Å"From the Keynesian viewpoint, labor voluntarily employed on contracyclical †¦ government projects should certainly be counted as employed.On the search approach to unemployment, a person who accepts a job and withdraws voluntarily from the activity of search is clearly employed. † The exclusion of persons on work relief drastically lowers the aggregate unemployment rate after 1935. In addition to modifying the definition of unemployment, Darby also redefined the real wage to be the average annual earnings of full-time employees in all industries. With these changes, the fit of the Lucas-Rapping unemployment equation is improved, even for 1934 to 1941. However, Jonathan Kesselman and N. E.Savin later showed that the improved fit was largely the consequence of Darby's modified real wage series, not the revised unemployment rate. Thus, for the purpose of empirically testing the Lucas-Rapping model, the classification of WPA workers as employed or unemployed is not crucial. Returning to the questions posed above, New Deal legislation has frequently been blamed for the persistence of high unem ployment and the perverse behavior of real wages. In this regard, perhaps the most important piece of legislation was the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) of 1933.The National Recovery Administration (NRA), created by the NIRA, established guidelines that raised nominal wages and prices, and encouraged higher levels of employment through reductions in the length of the workweek (worksharing). An influential study by Michael Weinstein econometrically analyzed the impact of the NIRA on wages. Using aggregate monthly data on hourly earnings in manufacturing, Weinstein showed that the NIRA raised nominal wages directly through its wage codes and indirectly by raising prices.The total impact was such that â€Å"[i]n the absence of the NIRA, average hourly earnings in manufacturing would have been less than thirty-five cents by May 1935 instead of its actual level of almost sixty cents (assuming unemployment to have been unaltered)†. It is questionable, however, whether the NIRA really this large an impact on wages. Weinstein measured the direct effect of the codes by comparing monthly wage changes during the NIRA period (1933-35) with wage changes during the recovery phase (1921-23) of the post-World War One recession (1920-21), holding constant the level of unemployment and changes in wholesale prices.Data from the intervening years (1924-1932) or after the NIRA period were excluded from his regression analysis (p. 52). In addition, Weinstein's regression specification precludes the possibility that reductions in weekly hours (worksharing), some of which occurred independently of the NIRA, had a positive effect on hourly earnings. A recent paper using data from the full sample period and allowing for the effect of worksharing found a positive but much smaller impact of the NIRA on wages (see the discussion of Bernanke's work later in the paper).Various developments in neo-Keynesian macroeconomics have recently filtered into the discussion. Martin Bai ly emphasizes the role of implicit contracts in the context of various legal and institutional changes during the 1930s. Firms did not aggressively cut wages when unemployment was high early in the 1930s because such a policy would hurt worker morale and the firm's reputation, incentives that were later reinforced by New Deal legislation. Efficiency wages have been invoked in a provocative article by Richard Jensen.Beginning sometime after the turn of the century large firms slowly began to adopt bureaucratic methods of labor relations. Policies were â€Å"designed to identify and keep the more efficient workers, and to encourage other workers to emulate them. † Efficiency wages were one such device, which presumably contributed to stickiness in wages. The trend towards bureaucratic methods accelerated in the 1930s. According to Jensen, firms surviving the initial downturn used the opportunity to lay off their least productive workers but a portion of the initial decline in e mployment occurred among firms that went out of business.Thus, when expansion occurred, firms had their pick of workers who had been laid off. Personnel departments used past wage histories as a signal, and higher-wage workers were a better risk. Those with few occupational skills, the elderly (who were expensive to retrain) and the poorly educated faced enormous difficulties in finding work. After 1935 the â€Å"reserve army† of long-term unemployed did not exert much downward pressure on nominal wages because employers simply did not view the long-term unemployed as substitutes for the employed at virtually any wage.A novel feature of Jensen's argument is its integration of microeconomic evidence on the characteristics of the unemployed with macroeconomic evidence on wage rigidity. Other circumstantial evidence is in its favor, too. Productivity growth was surprisingly strong after 1932, despite severe weakness in capital investment and a slowdown in innovative activity. Th e rhetoric of the era, that â€Å"higher wages and better treatment of labor would improve labor productivity†, may be the correct explanation.If the reserve army hypothesis were true, the wages of unskilled workers, who were disproportionately unemployed, should have fallen relative to the wages of skilled and educated workers, but there is no indication that wage differentials were wider overall in the 1930s than in the 1920s. It remains an open question, however, whether the use of efficiency wages was as widespread as Jensen alleges, and whether efficiency wages can account empirically for the evolution of productivity growth in the 1930s. In brief, the macro studies have not settled the debate over the proper interpretation of the aggregate statistics.This state of affairs has much to do with the (supreme) difficulty of building a consensus macro model of the depression economy. But it is also a consequence of the level of aggregation at which empirical work has been con ducted. The problem is partly one of sample size, and partly a reflection of the inadequacies of discussing these issues using the paradigm of a representative agent. This being, the case I turn next to disaggregated studies of employment and unemployment. In a conventional short-run aggregate production function, the labor input is defined to be total person-hours.For the postwar period, temporal variation in person-hours is overwhelmingly due to fluctuations in employment. However, for the interwar period, variations in the length of the workweek account for nearly half of the monthly variance in the labor input. Declines in weekly hours were deep, prolonged, and widespread in the 1930s. The behavior of real hourly earnings, however, may have not have been independent of changes in weekly hours. This insight motivates Ben Bernanke's analysis of employment, hours, and earnings in eight pre-World War Two manufacturing industries.The (industry- specific) supply of labor is described by an earnings function, which gives the minimum weekly earnings required for a worker to supply a given number of hours per week. In Bernanke's formulation, the earnings function is convex in hours and also discontinuous at zero hours (the discontinuity reflects fixed costs of working or switching industries). Production depends separately on the number of workers and weekly hours, and on nonlabor inputs. Firms are not indifferent â€Å"between receiving one hour of work from eight different workers and receiving eight hours from one worker. A reduction in product demand causes the firm to cut back employment and hours per week. The reduction in hours means more leisure for workers, but less pay per week. Eventually, as weekly hours are reduced beyond a certain point, hourly earnings rise. Further reductions in hours cannot be matched one for one by reductions in weekly earnings. But, when hourly earnings increase, the real wage then appears to be countercyclical. To test the mode l, Bernanke uses monthly, industry-level data compiled by the National Industrial Conference Board covering the period 1923 to 1939.The specification of the earnings function (describing the supply of labor) incorporates a partial adjustment of wages to prices, while the labor demand equation incorporates partial adjustment of current demand to desired demand. Except in one industry (leather), the industry demand for workers falls as real product wages rise; industry demands for weekly hours fall as the marginal cost to the firm of varying weekly hours rises; and industry labor supply is a positive function of weekly earnings and weekly hours.The model is used to argue that the NIRA lowered weekly hours and raised weekly earnings and employment, although the effects were modest. In six of the industries (the exceptions were shoes and lumber), increased union influence after 1935 (measured with a proxy variable of days idled by strikes) raised weekly earnings by 10 percent or more. S imulations revealed that allowing for full adjustment of nominal wages to prices resulted in a poor description of the behavior of real wages, but no deterioration in the model's ability to explain employment and hours variation.Whatever the importance of sticky nominal wages in explaining real wage behavior, the phenomenon â€Å"may not have had great allocative significance† for employment. In a related paper, Bernanke and Martin Parkinson use an expanded version of the NICB data set to explore the possibility that â€Å"short-run increasing returns to labor† or procyclical labor productivity, characterized co-movements in output and employment in the 1930s. Using their expanded data set, Bernanke and Parkinson estimate regressions of the change in output on the change in labor input, now defined to be total person-hours.The coefficient of the change in the labor input is the key parameter; if it exceeds unity, then short-run increasing returns to labor are present. Bernanke and Parkinson find that short-run increasing returns to labor characterized all but two of the industries under study (petroleum and leather). The estimates of the labor coefficient are essentially unchanged if the sample is restricted to just the 1930s. Further, a high degree of correlation (r = 0. 9) appears between interwar and postwar estimates of short-run increasing returns to labor for a matched sample of industries.Thus, the procyclical nature of labor productivity appears to be an accepted fact for both the interwar and postwar periods. One explanation of procyclical productivity, favored by real business cycle theorists, emphasizes technology shocks. Booms are periods in which technological change is unusually brisk, and labor supply increases to take advantage of the higher wages induced by temporary gains in productivity (caused by the outward shift in production functions).In Bernanke and Parkinson's view, however, the high correlation between the pre- and post -war estimates of short-run increasing returns to labor poses a serious problem for the technological shocks explanation. The high correlation implies that the â€Å"real shocks hitting individual industrial production functions in the interwar period accounted for about the same percentage of employment variation in each industry as genuine technological shocks hitting industrial production functions in the post-war period†.However, technological change per se during the Depression was concentrated in a few industries and was modest overall. Further, while real shocks (for example, bank failures, the New Deal, international political instability) occurred, their effects on employment were felt through shifts in aggregate demand, not through shifts in industry production functions. Other leading explanations of procyclical productivity are true increasing returns or, popular among Keynesians, the theory of labor hoarding during economic downturns.Having ruled out technology s hocks, Bernanke and Parkinson attempt to distinguish between true increasing returns and labor hoarding. They devise two tests, both of which involve restrictions on excluding proxies for labor utilization from their regressions of industry output. If true increasing returns were present, the observed labor input captures all the relevant information about variations in output over the cycle. But if labor hoarding were occurring, the rate of labor utilization, holding employment constant, should account for output variation.Their results are mixed, but are mildly in favor of labor hoarding. Although Bernanke's modeling effort is of independent interest, the substantive value of his and Parkinson's research is enhanced considerably by disaggregation to the industry level. It is obvious from their work that industries in the 1930s did not respond identically to decreases in output demand. However, further disaggregation to the firm level can produce additional insights. Bernanke and P arkinson assume that movements in industry aggregates reflect the behavior of a representative firm.But, according to Lebergott (1989), much of the initial decline in output and employment occurred among firms that exited. Firms that left, and new entrants, however, were not identical to firms that survived. These points are well-illustrated in Timothy Bresnahan and Daniel Raff's study of the American motor vehicle industry. Their database consists of manuscript census returns of motor vehicle plants in 1929, 1931, 1933, and 1935. By linking the manuscript returns from year to year, Bresnahan and Raff have created a panel dataset, capable of identifying plants the exited, surviving plants, and new plants.Plants that exited between 1929 and 1933 had lower wages and lower labor productivity than plants that survived. Between 1933 and 1935 average wages at exiting plants and new plants were slightly higher than at surviving plants. Output per worker was still relatively greater at surv iving plants than new entrants, but the gap was smaller than between 1929 and 1933. Roughly a third of the decline in the industry's employment between 1929 and the trough in 1933 occurred in plant closures. The vast majority of these plant closures were permanent.The shakeout of inefficient firms after 1929 ameliorated the decline in average labor productivity in the industry. Although industry productivity did decline, productivity in 1933 would have been still lower if all plants had continued to operate. During the initial recovery phase (1933-35) about 40 percent of the increase in employment occurred in new plants. Surviving plants were more likely to use mass-production techniques; the same was true of new entrants. Mass production plants differed sharply from their predecessors (custom production plants) in the skill mix of their workforces and in labor relations.In the motor vehicle industry, the early years of the Depression were an â€Å"evolutionary event†, perman ently altering the technology of the representative firm. While the representative firm paradigm apparently fails for motor vehicles, it may not for other industries. Some preliminary work by Amy Bertin, Bresnahan, and Raff, on another industry, blast furnaces, is revealing on this point. Blast furnaces were subject to increasing returns and the market for the product (molten iron) was highly localized.For this industry, reductions in output during a cyclical trough are reasonably described by a representative firm, since â€Å"localized competition prevented efficient reallocation of output across plants† and therefore the compositional effects occurring in the auto industry did not happen. These analyses of firm-level data have two important implications for studies of employment in the 1930s. First, aggregate demand shocks could very well have changed average technological practice through the process of exit and entry at the firm level.Thus Bernanke and Parkinson's reject ion of the technological shocks explanation of short-run increasing returns, which is based in part on their belief that aggregate demand shocks did not alter industry production functions, may be premature. Second, the empirical adequacy of the representative firm paradigm is apparently industry-specific, depending on industry structure, the nature of product demand, and initial (that is, pre-Depression) heterogeneity in firm sizes and costs.Such â€Å"phenomena are invisible in industry data,† and can only be recovered from firm-level records, such as the census manuscripts. Analyses of industry and firm-level data are one way to explore heterogeneity in labor utilization. Geography is another. A focus on national or even industry aggregates obscures the substantial spatial variation in bust and recovery that characterized the 1930s. Two recent studies show how spatial variation suggests new puzzles about the persistence of the Depression as well as provide additional degre es of freedom for discriminating between macroeconomic models.State-level variation in employment is the subject of an important article by John Wallis. Using data collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Wallis has constructed annual indices of manufacturing and nonmanufacturing employment for states from 1930 to 1940. Wallis' indices reveal that declines in employment between 1930 and 1933 were steepest in the East North Central and Mountain states; employment actually rose in the South Atlantic states, however, once an adjustment is made for industry mix.The South also did comparatively well during the recovery phase of the Depression (1933-1940). Wallis tests whether the southern advantage during the recovery phase might reflect lower levels of unionization and a lower proportion of employment affected by the passage of the Social Security Act (1935), but controlling for percent unionized and percent in covered employment in a regression of employment growth does not elimina te the regional gap. What comes through clearly,† according to Wallis â€Å"is that the [employment] effects of the Depression varied considerably throughout the nation† and that a convincing explanation of the South-nonSouth difference remains an open question. Curtis Simon and Clark Nardinelli exploit variation across cities to put forth a particular interpretation of economic downturn in the early 1930s. Specifically, they study the empirical relationship between â€Å"industrial diversity† and city- level unemployment rates before and after World War Two.Industrial diversity is measured by a city-specific Herfindahl index of industry employment shares. The higher the value of the index, the greater is the concentration of employment in a small number of industries. Using data from the 1930 federal census and the 1931 Special Census of Unemployment, Simon and Nardinelli show that unemployment rates and the industrial diversity index were positively correlated across cities at the beginning of the Depression.Analysis of similar census data for the post-World War Two, period, reveals a negative correlation between city unemployment rates and industrial diversity. Simon and Nardinelli explain this finding as the outcome of two competing effects. In normal economic circumstances, a city with a more diverse range of industries should have a lower unemployment rate (the â€Å"portfolio† effect), because industry-specific demand shocks will not be perfectly correlated across industries and some laid-off workers will find ready employment in expanding industries.The portfolio effect may fail, however, during a large aggregate demand shock (the early 1930s) if firms and workers are poorly informed, misperceiving the shock to be industry-specific, rather than a general reduction in demand. Firms in industrially diverse cities announce selective layoffs rather than reduce wages, because they believe that across-the-board wage cuts would caus e too many workers to quit (workers in industrial diverse cities think they can easily find a job in another industry elsewhere in the same city), thus hurting production.Firms in industrially specialized cities, however, are more likely to cut wages than employment because they believe lower wages â€Å"would induce relatively fewer quits† than in industrially diverse cities. Thus, Simon and Nardinelli conclude, wages in the early 1930s were more rigid in industrially-diverse cities, producing the positive correlation between industrial diversity and unemployment. Improvements in the quantity, quality, and timeliness of economic information, they conjecture, have caused the portfolio effect to dominate after World War Two, producing the postwar negative correlation.Although one can question the historical relevance of Simon and Nardinelli's model, and the specifics of their empirical analysis, their paper is successful in demonstrating the potential value of spatial data in unraveling the sources of economic downturn early in the Depression. Postwar macroeconomics has tended to proceed as aggregate unemployment rates applied to a representative worker, with a certain percentage of that worker's time not being used. As a result, disaggregated evidence on unemployment has been slighted.Such evidence, however, can provide a richer picture of who was unemployed in the 1930s, a better understanding of the relationship between unemployment and work relief, and further insights into macroeconomic explanations of unemployment. To date, the source that has received the most attention is the public use tape of the 1940 census, a large, random sample of the population in 1940. The 1940 census is a remarkable historical document. It was the first American census to inquire about educational attainment, wage and salary income and weeks worked in the previous year; nd the first to use the â€Å"labor force week† concept in soliciting information about labor f orce status. Eight labor force categories are reported, including whether persons held work relief jobs during the census week (March 24-30, 1940). For persons who were unemployed or who held a work relief job at the time of the census, the number of weeks of unemployment since the person last held a private or nonemergency government job of one month or longer was recorded.The questions on weeks worked and earnings in 1939 did not treat work relief jobs differently from other jobs. That is, earnings from, and time spent on, work relief are included in the totals. I have used the 1940 census sample to study the characteristics of unemployed workers and of persons on work relief, and the relationship between work relief and various aspects of unemployment. It is clear from the census tape that unemployed persons who were not on work relief were far from a random sample of the labor force.For example, the unemployed were typically younger, or older, than the average employed worker (u nemployment followed a U-shape pattern with respect to age); the unemployed were more often nonwhite; and they were less educated and had fewer skills than employed persons, as measured by occupation. Such differences tended to be starkest for the long-term unemployed (those with unemployment durations longer than year); thus, for example, the long-term unemployed had even less schooling that the average unemployed worker.Although the WPA drew its workers from the ranks of the unemployed, the characteristics of WPA workers did not merely replicate those of other unemployed persons. For example, single men, the foreign-born, high school graduates, urban residents, and persons living in the Northeast were underrepresented among WPA workers, compared with the rest of the unemployed. Perhaps the most salient difference, however, concerns the duration of unemployment. Among those on work relief in 1940, roughly twice as many had been without a non-relief job for a year or longer as had u nemployed persons not on work relief.The fact that the long-term unemployed were concentrated disproportionately on work relief raises an obvious question. Did the long-term unemployed find work relief jobs after being unemployed for a long time, or did they remain with the WPA for a long time? The answer appears to be mostly the latter. Among nonfarm males ages 14 to 64 on work relief in March 1940 and reporting 65 weeks of unemployment (that is, the first quarter of 1940 and all of 1939), close to half worked 39 weeks or more in 1939. Given the census conventions, they had to have been working more or less full time, for the WPA.For reasons that are not fully clear, the incentives were such that a significant fraction of persons who got on work relief, stayed on. One possible explanation is that some persons on work relief preferred the WPA, given prevailing wages, perhaps because their relief jobs were more stable than the non-relief jobs (if any) available to them. Or, as one WP A worker put it: â€Å"Why do we want to hold onto these [relief] jobs? †¦ [W]e know all the time about persons †¦ just managing to scrape along †¦ My advice, Buddy, is better not take too much of a chance. Know a good thing when you got it. Alternatively, working for the WPA may have stigmatized individuals, making them less desirable to non-relief employers the longer they stayed on work relief. Whatever the explanation, the continuous nature of WPA employment makes it difficult to believe that the WPA did not reduce, in the aggregate, the amount of job search by the unemployed in the late 1930s. In addition to the duration of unemployment experienced by individuals, the availability of work relief may have dampened the increase in labor supply of secondary workers in households in which the household head was unemployed, the so- called â€Å"added worker† effect.Specifically, wives of unemployed men not on work relief were much more likely to participate in the labor force than wives of men who were employed at non-relief jobs. But wives of men who worked for the WPA were far less likely to participate in the labor force than wives of otherwise employed men. The relative impacts were such that, in the aggregate, no added worker effect can be observed as long as persons on work relief are counted among the unemployed.Although my primary goal in analyzing the 1940 census sample was to illuminate features of unemployment obscured by the aggregate time series, the results bear on several macroeconomic issues. First, the heterogenous nature of unemployment implies that a representative agent view of aggregate unemployment cannot be maintained for the late 1930s. Whether the view can be maintained for the earlier part of the Depression is not certain, but the evidence presented in Jensen and myself suggests that it cannot.Because the evolution of the characteristics of the unemployed over the 1930s bears on the plausibility of various macro economic explanations of unemployment (Jensen's use of efficiency wage theory, for example), further research is clearly desirable. Second, the heterogenous nature of unemployment is consistent with Lebergott's claim that aggregate BLS wage series for the 1930s are contaminated by selection bias, because the characteristics that affected the likelihood of being employed (for example, education) also affected a person's wage.Again, a clearer understanding of the magnitude and direction of bias requires further work on how the characteristics of the employed and unemployed changed as the Depression progressed. Third, macroeconomic analyses of the persistence of high unemployment should not ignore the effects of the WPA — and, more generally, those of other federal relief policies — on the economic behavior of the unemployed. In particular, if work relief was preferred to job search by some unemployed workers, the WPA may have displaced some growth in private sector emplo yment that would have occurred in its absence.An estimate of the size of this displacement effect can be inferred from a recent paper by John Wallis and Daniel Benjamin. Wallis and Benjamin estimate a model of labor supply, labor demand, and per capita relief budgets using panel data for states from 1933 to 1939. Their coefficients imply that elimination of the WPA starting in 1937 would have increased private sector employment by 2. 9 percent by 1940, which corresponds to about 49 percent of persons on work relief in that year. Displacement was not one-for-one, but may not have been negligible.My discussion thus far has emphasized the value of disaggregated evidence in understanding certain key features of labor markets in the 1930s — the behavior of wages, employment and unemployment — because these are of greatest general interest to economists today. I would be remiss, however, if I did not mention other aspects of labor markets examined in recent work. What follow s is a brief, personal selection from a much larger literature. The Great Depression left its mark on racial and gender differences.From 1890 to 1930 the incomes of black men increased slightly relative to the incomes of white men, but the trend in relative incomes reversed direction in the 1930s. Migration to the North, a major avenue of economic advancement for Southern blacks, slowed appreciably. There is little doubt that, if the Depression had not happened, the relative economic status of blacks would have been higher on the eve of World War Two. Labor force participation by married women was hampered by â€Å"marriage bars†, implicit or explicit regulations which allowed firms to dismiss single women upon arriage or which prohibited the hiring of married women. Although marriage bars existed before the 1930s, their use spread during the Depression, possibly because social norms dictated that married men were more deserving of scarce jobs than married women. Although the y have not received as much attention from economists, some of the more interesting effects of the Depression were demographic or life-cycle in nature. Marriage rates fell sharply in the early 1930s, and fertility rates remained low throughout the decade.An influential study by the sociologist Glen Elder, Jr. traced the subsequent work and life histories of a sample of individuals growing up in Oakland, California in the 1930s. Children from working class households whose parents suffered from prolonged unemployment during the Depression had lower educational attainment and less occupational mobility than their peers who were not so deprived. Similar findings were reported by Stephan Thernstrom in his study of occupational mobility of Boston men.The Great Depression was the premier macroeconomic event of the twentieth century, and I am not suggesting we abandon macroeconomic analysis of it. I am suggesting, however, that an exclusive focus on aggregate labor statistics runs two risk s: the facts derived may be artifacts, and much of what may be interesting about labor market behavior in the 1930s is rendered invisible. The people and firms whose experiences make up the aggregates deserve to be studied in their diversity, not as representative agents.I have mentioned census microdata, such as the public use sample of the 1940 census or the manufacturing census manuscripts collected by Bresnahan and Raff, in this survey. In closing, I would like highlight another source that could be examined in future work. The source is the â€Å"Study of Consumer Purchases in the United States† conducted by the BLS in 1935-36. Approximately 300,000 households, chosen from a larger random sample of 700,000, supplied basic survey data on income and housing, with 20 percent furnishing additional information.The detail is staggering: labor supply and income of all family members, from all sources (on a quarterly basis); personal characteristics (for example, occupation, age , race); family composition; housing characteristics; and a long list of durable and non-durable consumption expenditures (the 20 percent sample). Because the purpose of the study was to provide budget weights to update the CPI, only families in â€Å"normal† economic circumstances were included (this is the basis for the reduction in sample size from 700,000 to 300,000).Thus, for example, persons whose wages were very low or who experienced persistent unemployment are unlikely to be included in 1935-36 study. A pilot sample, drawn from the original survey forms (stored at the National Archives) and containing the responses of 6,000 urban households, is available in machine-readable format from the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research at the University of Michigan (ICPSR Study 8908). Robert A. Margo Vanderbilt University

Writing effective job descriptions - Emphasis

Writing effective job descriptions Writing effective job descriptions Rob Ashton explains how to write your way to the ideal candidate. Back in January, we lamented that the UK was sitting on a glut of unwanted Christmas presents. Matching present to person is seldom an easy task. It takes time and effort. But in the run up to Christmas, many people would have taken a wild stab in the dark; picking up something passable from a department store and hoping for the best. Little wonder then that the bill for unwanted gifts is an estimated 700 million (according to recent research by eBay and market-research firm TNS). When it comes to choosing a new recruit, no HR professional would ever use this haphazard approach. But sometimes you can outline exactly what you want in a job specification and still end up with the equivalent of a naff jumper. Communicating with prospective candidates is not a perfect science. But its disheartening to trawl through CVs or application forms that bear little relation to the qualities that you carefully described. Not to mention a waste of time and money. In such a situation, the problem is that somewhere along the line, what the hirer meant was lost in translation. And even though they may have received some spot-on applications, theyll be unable to shake the feeling that theyve lost the opportunity to find the largest pool of talented individuals. If thats ever happened to you, the good news is that learning some writing skills techniques can help you to be as clear and concise as possible increasing your chances of finding the ideal people for your positions. So here are my seven tips for writing winning job specifications that will resonate with job hunters. One Examine why you need the role to start with. To do this you can brainstorm using the headings who?, what?, where?, when?, and why? Make sure that the role fits your departmental processes and that you are not empire building. And be realistic about the nature of the role. Whether the role is temporary or permanent, you need to understand the commitment of either structure to the organisation. Two Before you begin writing the job spec, focus your thoughts on the job hunter. Avoid a one-size-fits-all approach by asking yourself: Who will read it? How much do they already know about the prospective job? What do they absolutely need to know? What will excite my ideal candidate? What response do I want from them? Then write a clear description of duties and include the key deliverables. Whether its a junior or senior role, use language that the level of applicant you want to attract will understand even if this includes jargon. But avoid management-speak at all costs. Three Be honest about the duties of the role. In most situations, candidates will appreciate your candour about the level of energy required. And it will help you find someone with the right level of drive. Four Write a summary of your company and department. And include an organisation chart defining where the position sits. It also helps to provide some background information explaining why the role has been created and how it will integrate into the organisation. Five Outline both the hard and soft skills and experience required to make the role a success. Make your writing reader-centred by using words such as you, we and us. Opt for verbs instead of nouns. For example, instead of Were looking for a hardworking consultant for the completion of an IT project write Were looking for a hardworking consultant to complete an IT project. And choose simple words over more complicated ones. Its better to say you want someone enthusiastic (or even keen) rather than someone ebullient. Six Clearly define the location, salary, benefits, duration of contract (if necessary) and start date. And make sure you account for statutory requirements, such as procurement or legal terms and conditions. Seven Finally, ensure your contact details are included and end with a call to action. Something simple such as, If this sounds like you, call the human resources department now will encourage candidates to apply. Remember to keep your focus on your ideal candidate throughout the writing process, and youll increase the chances of securing the perfect match.

Through cultural diffusion, Greek Mythology became part of the Roman Pantheon; Greek thought affects us in almost all areas of life, and its end is Humanism.

Through cultural diffusion, Greek Mythology became part of the Roman Pantheon; Greek thought affects us in almost all areas of life, and its end is Humanism. Through cultural diffusion, Greek Mythology became part of the Roman Pantheon; Greek thought affects us in almost all areas of life, and its end is Humanism.Before we understand the affects of Greek Mythology and thought, we must first learn the origins and development of the Greek ideas. Greek religion originated from the worship of one god, who was called Zeus, and developed into the worship of many. Idolatry is usually a corruption of a truer religion. The religions before Greek thought worshipped an omnipotent, all-powerful god or gods. It could be said that many of the religions were twisted versions of the worship of the one true God.The Greek religion was different. Instead of making their gods great, transcendent, and mysterious, the Greeks, in the words of Edith Hamilton, an honorable citizen of Athens, "...made their gods in their own image." This is the beginning of humanism, for not only did the Greeks make their gods human-like, but actually glorified the human body in t heir gods.As Greek as it getsHumanism was later developed into an anti-God religion. Through an observation of the often contradictory systems of nature, the Greeks created myths to explain nature. Thus the gods often are pictured as quarreling and fighting in often shameful and base actions. This was a novel idea in the ideas of religion; instead of omnipotent all-powerful gods the Greeks had created human gods. They had created Humanism, which would develop into a belief that the metaphysical did not exist at all.Some of the deeper thinking Greeks recognized the impossibility of these ideas. Some believed that the gods should not be brought down to the level of man in righteousness, but worshipped reverently as above man and his excitements. The poets, without much philosophical thinking, had developed the stories of the gods.

Controversy in Television Advertisement Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Controversy in Television Advertisement - Essay Example Cigarette manufacturers were one of the first industries to advertise widely on television ("Lighten Up & Light Up," 2006). Tobacco advertising is the promotion of tobacco use (typically cigarette smoking) by the tobacco industry through a variety of media ("Tobacco advertising," 2007). Usually, this is more attractive to the younger population because of their overexposure to tobacco commercials shown on television. Considered as "one of the most-highly-regulated forms of marketing," it is banned by many countries around the world. According to ASH (2006), tobacco advertising is increasing the consumption by encouraging children or young adults to experiment with tobacco and thereby slip into regular use, by encouraging smokers to increase consumption, by reducing smokers' motivation to quit, by encouraging former smokers to resume, by discouraging full and open discussion of the hazards of smoking as a result of media dependence on advertising revenues, by muting opposition to cont rols on tobacco as a result of the dependence of organizations receiving sponsorship from tobacco companies, and by creating through the ubiquity of advertising, sponsorship, etc. an environment in which tobacco use is seen as familiar and acceptable and the warnings about its health are undermined. These are the reasons why the tobacco industry never ceases to spend billions worldwide trying to promote their harmful products thereby risking the health of more and more tobacco users. There are many methods of tobacco advertising in order to attract cigarette patrons especially younger people. These include sports sponsorship, promotional items, brand stretching, samples, and entertainment which are all shown on television. In sports sponsorship, "the companies try to connect tobacco with health and athletic prowess to reach out to a large audience by sponsoring sports events and teams" (Vu, Long, Talapa, & Jong, n.d.). In promoting various items, "the companies put their logos on ha ts, t-shirts, and other popular items children use" (Vu, Long, Talapa, & Jong, n.d.). Through brand stretching, "the companies market other products with a shared brand name such as Marlboro Classics clothing" (Vu, Long, Talapa, & Jong, n.d.). By giving free samples of cigarette products in malls, concerts, and mass events, the companies relays a "hidden" message why they should support the product. Lastly, through entertainment or the sponsorship of popular events such as concerts, competitions, and movies, it attracts the youth by displaying the positive aspect of smoking. An additional marketing tactic for TV ads is by depicting cigarette users as relaxed, stress-free and having fun thereby discouraging the news media from reporting on the health effects of smoking. In the United Kingdom, "the tobacco advertising and sponsorship ban were implemented under the Tobacco Advertising and Promotion Act 2002. The Act banned most forms of tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship, s pecifies a few practical examples (e.g. specialist tobacconists, intra-trade advertising), details offenses and defenses and establishes enforcement responsibilities" (ASH, 2006).  Ã‚  

Reflective letter Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Reflective letter - Assignment Example As such, I will seek to build on my formatting strengths by referring and practicing the Harvard, Chicago, and MLA writing styles as seen in the Purdue Online Writing Lab. On the other hand, I will seek to overcome my writing weaknesses by proof reading my work before submission. I will also do more research on the best writing skills and sentence construction. Using Microsoft PowerPoint by creating effective slides, APA formatting, critical analysis, and timely completion of assignments are items that represent my best work. This is because these items enabled me to address the writing subject in a detailed, effective, and timely manner in different writing platforms using the required writing style. Notably, the first assignment and the PowerPoint assignment were the most challenging assignments. Indeed, summarizing the most relevant information on the slides and achieving the correct sentence combination were very challenging. Nevertheless, I have begun to solve the problem in achieving correct sentence combination by writing more works, researching the best writing skills, and seeking guidance from my tutor. However, I am proud of my writing skills in assignment 2 because they depict my strength in formatting, great sentence combination, few grammatical errors, and objectivity. Ideally, I adopted efficient revision strategies that included class discussions, detailed research at the library, creating a revision timetable, and seeking professional advice from my tutors. I also addressed my peers, tutor review comments, and sought to perfect my writing skills by doing additional writing assignments. My writing, reading, and critical analysis assignments helped me in my writing since they prepared me to read, analyze the derived information, and present such information in writing using the correct writing style. Notably, the PowerPoint essay was the most informative since it taught me how to summarize, use visual